Third Day of Protests in Iran Shows Deep Public Anger but Uncertain Scale and Trajectory
On the 3rd day of protests across Iran (December 30, 2025), demonstrations continued in Tehran and several other cities, marked by a convergence between bazaar-based protests and university students.
On the third day of protests across Iran (December 30, 2025), demonstrations continued in Tehran and several other cities, marked by a convergence between bazaar-based protests and university student activism, even as the overall scale of unrest remained limited compared to major protest waves of recent years.
The current round of protests began on December 28, 2025, initially driven by economic grievances, particularly the sharp rise in the U.S. dollar and accelerating inflation, after the exchange rate briefly exceeded 144,000 tomans. Early demonstrations centered on shopkeepers and bazaar merchants, especially in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar and surrounding commercial districts. Within days, however, chants and slogans shifted from economic demands to overtly political messages, including “Death to the dictator,” “Freedom, freedom,” and direct criticism of the political system.
Throughout December 30, Tehran’s Grand Bazaar, 15 Khordad Street, Shoush Square, Shadabad market, Khayyam Street, and Aladdin Mall remained focal points of gatherings and intermittent strikes. Videos circulated showing arrests, a visible security presence, plainclothes forces, and the use of tear gas, including footage indicating the arrest of at least 11 protesters near Shoush Square. Protests also appeared in other cities, though mostly localized and short-lived.
A notable development on the third day was the entry of university students. Protests were reported at the University of Tehran, Amir Kabir University (Polytechnic), Shahid Beheshti University, Sharif University of Technology, Khajeh Nasir Toosi University, University of Isfahan, University of Yazd, and Allameh Tabataba’i University. Students chanted “Freedom, freedom,” “Death to the dictator,” and, in some confrontations with security forces, “Bi-sharaf, bi-sharaf” (“Shameless, shameless”). In a few cases—particularly at Shahid Beheshti University and Sharif University—reports indicated tensions and brief clashes between students and security or Basij forces.
Students at Allameh Tabataba’i University issued a public statement expressing solidarity with livelihood protests, emphasizing that economic hardship, political repression, and lack of participation are structurally linked, and warning that securitizing economic demands would only worsen the crisis.
The protests also affected journalists. Mehdi Beik, political editor of the reformist daily Etemad, was detained while covering bazaar protests near 15 Khordad Street and later released, with no official clarification regarding the reason for his detention or the detaining authority. His brief disappearance raised concerns about media pressure during the unrest.
Alongside security measures, authorities announced widespread closures. On December 30, 2025, schools, universities, government offices, banks, municipalities, and many commercial centers in Tehran were ordered closed, officially citing cold weather and energy shortages. Similar closures or remote-work arrangements were announced in most provinces, a move widely interpreted as an effort to limit gatherings and reduce protest momentum.
Official responses revealed a carefully calibrated approach. Government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani said the state “recognizes protests”, emphasized the constitutional right to peaceful assembly, and stated that President Masoud Pezeshkian had instructed the Interior Ministry to pursue dialogue with protesters. She acknowledged that public anger reflects severe economic pressure and announced a short-term economic stabilization plan intended to restore confidence over the coming months.
At the same time, security and military institutions adopted a more threatening tone. Senior police and IRGC officials warned against unrest, revived “sedition” and “fitna” narratives, and emphasized readiness to respond decisively. Mass SMS warnings, attributed to the IRGC Intelligence Organization, were reportedly sent to residents in Tehran, stating that attendance near “illegal gatherings” had been monitored and urging recipients to avoid further participation.
Most state and semi-official media outlets sought to frame the protests as narrowly economic and largely contained, portraying political slogans as the actions of small groups and repeatedly emphasizing a return to normalcy. This narrative contrasted with independent videos showing political chants, student participation, and confrontations with security forces, though the overall scale of demonstrations remained modest.
Statements from jailed political figures added to the political atmosphere. Abolfazl Ghadiani, writing from Evin Prison, openly called for the fall of the Islamic Republic, while Mostafa Tajzadeh linked the economic crisis to structural governance failures, calling for fundamental constitutional change.
By the end of the third day, it was evident that public anger and distrust toward the government were deep and widespread, cutting across economic, social, and political lines. At the same time, the scale of protests has so far remained limited, far smaller than the 2022 “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement or earlier nationwide uprisings. The government has thus far appeared to contain the protests through targeted arrests, surveillance, closures, and rhetoric, while avoiding the level of violence seen in previous crackdowns.
As night fell across Iran, reports emerged of scattered protests in multiple cities, underscoring continued public anger over economic conditions while highlighting the limited and fragmented nature of the demonstrations on their fourth day. Images and videos circulated from Hamedan, Kouhdasht, Ganaveh, Dorud, Aligudarz, and parts of Isfahan, showing small gatherings, street protests, and ongoing strikes among shopkeepers and local merchants. In Tehran, reports indicated a heavy security presence, with no major public gatherings observed. Earlier in the day, footage from Fasa, in southern Fars province, showed one of the most intense confrontations so far, with protesters gathering outside the city’s special governorate building.
In Kouhdasht, Lorestan province, security forces reportedly used force to disperse protesters, with videos capturing the sound of repeated gunfire, though it remains unclear what type of ammunition was used. In Fasa, clashes escalated as protesters damaged the entrance and guard post of the governorate building, set a motorcycle on fire, and threw stones. Security forces responded with tear gas and shotgun fire. Iranian judicial and security officials denied reports of fatalities, confirming instead that four individuals were arrested and three police officers injured during the unrest.
State-affiliated media characterized the events as attacks on public property, while local officials and a parliamentary representative from Fasa claimed the protests were externally organized or directed, asserting that the situation had since returned to calm.
Against this backdrop, President Masoud Pezeshkian addressed growing political pressure during a ceremony marking the change of leadership at the Central Bank, warning that internal political disputes, alongside external pressures, were harming the country. In recent weeks, members of parliament have repeatedly criticized the government’s economic policies, ultimately prompting Pezeshkian to approve a change in the Central Bank’s leadership amid mounting unrest. Following the rejection of the draft budget’s general framework in parliament, government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani announced that the administration would revise its proposal on salary increases for public employees and retirees, moving closer to lawmakers’ demands of 30 to 35 percent.
Government and judicial officials continued to advance a dual narrative: recognizing livelihood-based grievances while warning against escalation. Mohajerani reiterated that peaceful protest is a constitutional right and emphasized the government’s commitment to dialogue, while insisting the demonstrations remain economic rather than political—remarks that have drawn criticism from conservative outlets, including Kayhan. The Prosecutor General similarly described peaceful protests as understandable, while warning that property destruction or securitized unrest would face legal consequences.
Universities remained affected by both security and administrative measures. All detained students at the University of Tehran were released, according to a senior university official. Meanwhile, Allameh Tabataba’i University and Shahid Beheshti University moved classes online until the end of the term, officially citing weather conditions, energy shortages, and exam preparation needs.
It remains unclear whether the protests will continue, intensify, fade, or escalate beyond control. The situation is fluid, shaped by economic pressures, political signaling, and the balance the state seeks to maintain between containment and restraint. For now, the unrest reflects significant popular dissatisfaction, but not yet a unified or nationwide mobilization capable of overwhelming state control.