Gradual Removal of Reformists from Government: Pension Fund Restructuring and Cultural Shake-Up
The Iranian government has recently been carrying out a series of high profile dismissals of key reformist and moderate officials.
In recent days, the Iranian government has carried out a series of high-profile dismissals, seen by many as part of a broader trend of removing reformist and moderate figures from positions of authority. These changes have affected both the financial and cultural sectors, provoking sharp political reactions and fueling debate over the direction of President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration.
According to Shargh Daily, the government had recently approved the merger of the Pension Fund for Steel Employees with the National Pension Fund, a decision that resulted in major leadership changes. Hossein Alaei, CEO of the Steel Pension Fund, and Hojjat Mirzaei, CEO of the National Pension Fund, were both dismissed. In their place, Alaeddin Azouji was appointed as acting head of both funds by Minister of Labor Ahmad Meydari, tasked with overseeing the integration process.
At the same time, in the cultural sector, Nadereh Rezaei, the first female Deputy Minister for Arts at the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, was removed from office. Minister Seyed Abbas Salehi, while praising her efforts, appointed Mohammad Mehdi Ahmadi—senior advisor to the minister and head of the ministry’s presidential office—as acting deputy until a permanent replacement is chosen.
These dismissals have been widely interpreted as evidence of intensifying hardline pressure on the government. Sadegh Zibakalam, a well-known reformist political analyst, sharply criticized President Pezeshkian, writing: “Your only pride was in appointing managers like Nadereh Rezaei and Hossein Alaei. For God’s sake, show some courage and stop bowing to extremists who, with barely five percent of the vote, have dragged the country into this condition. Their goal is to repeat the ‘purification policies’ of the late Raisi era. Do not surrender.”
Other political figures joined in the criticism. Ahmad Zeidabadi noted that this pattern has repeated for years—moderate governments appoint reformist-leaning managers, only for them to be sidelined under hardline pressure. Former vice president Mohammad Ali Abtahi praised Rezaei as “the only deputy who worked for the people,” while former government spokesperson Abdollah Ramezanzadeh described her dismissal as a “return to factory settings” that would embolden conservatives.
Nadereh Rezaei, born in 1981 in Tehran, holds a PhD in sociology and business management. Her background is varied, spanning publishing, municipal and governmental committees, automotive industries, and even the founding of a catering company. Critics consistently pointed to her lack of direct artistic experience, but her appointment also marked a historic moment as the first woman to hold the deputy minister role in the arts.
During her tenure, she supported greater openness in cultural policy, including delegating licensing authority to the House of Music and backing the National Music Plan. However, these decisions angered conservatives. The most controversial episode came when she approved a planned concert by Homayoun Shajarian at Tehran’s Azadi Square. Hardliners claimed she had acted without proper coordination, and the concert was later canceled by Tehran’s municipality. Rezaei publicly apologized, expressing regret over the “mistreatment” of Shajarian.
Other incidents added to the controversy: her alleged “like” of a video featuring a female singer performing without mandatory hijab, and her presence at exhibitions where artists appeared without head coverings. Conservative media portrayed these as proof of her unsuitability for the position.
The pressure culminated when 170 members of parliament signed a letter calling for her removal, accusing her of “disrupting the cultural structure and national unity.” Within a week, Rezaei was dismissed.
For many observers, these dismissals highlight the ongoing clash between reformist-leaning officials and entrenched conservative factions. Critics argue that President Pezeshkian’s willingness to bow to hardline demands risks alienating his moderate base and accelerating the gradual purge of reformists from government.
As Iran faces growing social and political pressures, the recent wave of changes demonstrates the fragile standing of reform-minded figures in power. Whether these shifts consolidate hardliner control or provoke wider discontent among the public and artistic community remains an open question—but the trend of sidelining reformists is becoming increasingly clear.