China and Russia Reject Snapback Sanctions as Iran’s Oil Fleet Briefly Goes Visible Amid Renewed U.S. Pressure
China and Russia have firmly rejected the reimposition of UN sanctions on Iran under the so-called “snapback mechanism,” pledging to deepen military and economic cooperation with Tehran despite Western efforts to revive restrictions. Meanwhile, Iran’s oil tankers briefly reappeared on global tracking systems for the first time in seven years, before suddenly going dark again, triggering speculation about internal divisions, sabotage, or calculated signaling by Tehran.
Russian, Chinese and Iranian representatives meet with IAEA Director General Grossi in April, 2025. Photo courtesy of IAEA/Wikimedia.
Last month, Britain, France, and Germany invoked the snapback clause of UN Security Council Resolution 2231, reactivating six prior UN Security Council resolutions that had been waived under the 2015 nuclear deal (JCPOA). The United States, Japan, Turkey, and several other countries have since joined the enforcement effort, while Russia and China have refused to recognize the snapback, calling it illegal and politically motivated.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Moscow would continue military and technical cooperation with Iran “in full compliance with international law.” He emphasized that Russia does not recognize the resolutions, which include an arms embargo, and will supply Iran with whatever equipment it needs. “After the lifting of UN sanctions, there are no restrictions on our cooperation with Iran,” Lavrov said, reaffirming that the Russian-Iranian partnership operates “in accordance with international law.”
In parallel, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun condemned U.S. and European sanctions, declaring that China “firmly opposes unilateral and illegal restrictions” and will take “all necessary measures” to protect the rights of its citizens and companies. “Normal cooperation with Iran within the framework of international law is legitimate and reasonable,” he said, stressing that China will continue to safeguard its energy security and resist external pressure.
These positions come amid a new wave of U.S. sanctions announced on October 8, targeting nearly 100 individuals, companies, and tankers accused of facilitating Iran’s oil and petrochemical trade. Among them are the Shandong Jincheng Petrochemical Group and the Rizhao Xinhua crude terminal — major Chinese firms allegedly importing millions of barrels of Iranian crude since 2023. The U.S. Treasury also blacklisted 12 vessels from Iran’s “shadow fleet,” accusing them of helping Tehran evade sanctions through ship-to-ship transfers and false documentation.
Despite the sanctions, Iran’s oil production and exports remain resilient, estimated at around 2.1 million barrels per day (bpd) in September 2025 — a record high since the Trump administration reimposed sanctions in 2018. Most of this crude reportedly goes to private Chinese refineries, with China now accounting for roughly 13.6% of its total oil imports from Iran.
The more surprising development came in mid-October 2025, when the maritime tracking website TankerTrackers.com reported that, for the first time since 2018, a majority of Iran-flagged oil tankers had turned on their AIS transponders, openly broadcasting their locations. Two independent maritime data providers confirmed the sudden transparency. Whether deliberate or otherwise, it marked a significant but temporary shift in Tehran’s long-standing strategy of concealment from international tracking, providing purchasers with some degree of plausible deniability and making interdiction more difficult.
However, within days, most of those tankers went dark again, ceasing public transmissions. TankerTrackers.com later confirmed to BBC Verify that only a small fraction of Iran’s fleet continues to broadcast its position — “a sharp decline from just a few days earlier.” The reason for this sudden shift — both the initial openness and the reversion to secrecy — remains unclear.
Analysts and Iranian media have offered several interpretations. The reformist newspaper Etemad suggested the move may have been a “positive signal” to international regulatory bodies or a test of Iran’s readiness to re-enter global oil markets under potential partial sanctions relief. The moderate daily Ettela’at described it as a “strange and suspicious” development, quoting energy expert Mahmoud Khaghani, a former oil ministry official, who speculated it could indicate either internal sabotage or an attempt by factions within Iran’s power structure to provoke tensions with the United States.
Another economic outlet, Jahan-e San’at, argued that Tehran might have been sending a message to new buyers, suggesting that greater transparency could build trust among future customers, while continued secrecy heightens political and commercial risk. Some Iranian observers even hinted at a possible covert understanding between Tehran and Western states, suggesting that limited sanctions relief may have been quietly negotiated — though no evidence supports this claim.
Alternatively, it is possible that the tracking systems were turned on by a hack from an external power, thus sending a warning to Tehran and foreshadowing stronger sanctions and interdiction efforts amid the restored maximum pressure campaign.
Social media users in Iran and abroad reacted intensely. Some claimed that China’s open defiance of U.S. sanctions gave Iran confidence to reveal its oil shipments, while others argued that Tehran may have received guarantees from Beijing and was testing U.S. interdiction efforts in the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz.
At the same time, U.S. and European intelligence reports indicate that Iran’s cooperation with Russia continues to expand beyond trade. Western media, including Reuters and Bloomberg, have reported on the possible transfer of Russian military aircraft and heavy equipment to Iran, though both Moscow and Tehran have refrained from confirming or denying the reports.
According to Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei, Tehran remains in “constant consultation” with Moscow and Beijing and is confident that “relations with these two partners will remain unaffected.” He noted that Russia and China’s open legal opposition to the snapback demonstrates the continuity of cooperation despite Western pressure.
The U.S. sanctions also come at a delicate geopolitical moment, coinciding with the Israel–Hamas ceasefire in Gaza and broader Western efforts to contain regional escalation while reasserting economic pressure on Tehran. In sum, China and Russia’s firm rejection of the snapback, coupled with Iran’s persistent oil exports, signals a new phase of defiance. Yet, the brief reappearance of Iranian tankers, followed by an abrupt blackout, underscores the fragility and complexity of Tehran’s strategy — one that mixes symbolic gestures, diplomatic maneuvering, and covert trade to survive under renewed global scrutiny.

